Journal of Ibero-Romance Creoles
(1) Por lo meno en Cochabamba yo he analizado que muy caro
at least LOC Cochabamba I had analyzed that very expensive
todo yo extrañaba mucho.
everything I missed a-lot.
'At least in Cochabamba I had analyzed that everything is very expensive, I miss it a lot.'
(2) Mi hijo vive a Mururata.
my son lives LOC Mururata
‘My son lives in Mururata.'
(3) Mi tata cun mi mama nació Ø Mururata.
my dad and my mom born LOC Mururata
‘My dad and my mom were born in Murarata.'
In the case of Antioqueño Spanish, spoken across a vast region in the northwestern highlands of Colombia, we provide a sociohistorical sketch that supports the hypothesis that speakers of Amerindian (Embera) and West African (Kikongo, Caboverdianu, Kiriol) languages, each with congruous patterns of ‘hand + arm’ and ‘foot + leg’ reference, contributed to the innovative semantics in (4)-(5), below, demonstrating the ambiguous use of mano ‘hand’ to refer to any part of the upper limbs and the same for pie ‘foot’ in reference to the lower limbs. This phenomenon is typical in casual speech throughout Antioquia, including Medellín, from which the below examples were extracted (PRESEEA 2014).
(4) No podía mover la-s manos porque me quebré por acá.
NEG could move the hands because REFL.1SG broke around here
‘I couldn’t move my hands/arms because I broke (something) around here.’
(5) Se me partió la carne de-l pie izquierdo a-l lado de
REFL DAT.1SG opened the flesh of-the foot left to-the side of
‘The skin of my left foot/leg was cut open on the side of my knee.’We adopt an integrated approach, in which we consider micro-linguistic (Odlin 1989; Winford 2003; Matras & Sakel 2007; Baptista 2020) and macro-social (Mintz 1971; Winford 2020) factors to analyze the contact situations that shaped these language varieties. Our findings suggest remarkable structural and typological parallels between Afro-Yungueño and Antioqueño and their respective substrate languages with regard to the linguistic phenomena studied here. Our main contribution lies in our claim that Niger-Congo and Ameridian speakers were positioned subjects whose actions were sociohistorically constrained (Sicoli 2011). They most likely did not instantly shift to Spanish once they were trafficked, enslaved, and/or forced into labor in Bolivia and Colombia. We argue that this was likely a gradual process that ultimately led these speakers and their descendants to shift to a new Spanish variety that was highly impacted by contact.
Keywords: Language contact, sociohistorically-motivated SLA, Afrodescendent